DC Pathak | 16 Apr, 2024
The demand for a declared National Security Strategy (NSS) is rightly
a matter of public debate and open analysis by strategic experts.
It
has to be realised, however, that not all aspects of the strategy of
handling national security could be openly announced for the very reason
of confidentiality of the information on the country's threat scenario
which is at the base of responses required to be put in place under that
strategy at any given point of time.
The security scenario has a
large variable component in today's world and it is accepted that the
life of long-range security assessments itself had generally been
shortened.
There is open agreement on a number of initiatives that
are to be taken to serve the cause of national security such as
promotion of public education that is designed to spread an awareness
among the citizens that they all have a contribution to make for
safeguarding national security in a democratic dispensation where the
state considered itself responsible for the security of people as well.
The
validity of many publicly known concepts like 'national security being
inseparable from economic security', the threat to cyber security and
cyber data running through the lifelines of the country and open warfare
giving way to 'proxy wars' in this new era where the instrumentality of
'terrorism' was in full use in the latter, is now well established and
this had created new paradigms for framing the national security
strategy.
Many components of this strategy -- both in terms of the
inputs on which it was formulated and the appropriate responses it
deemed necessary -- would have to be treated as 'protected information'
to be kept from the prying eyes of the adversary.
An evaluation of
who the 'friends and enemies' are in the present and for the future,
would itself be an assessment that the government would like to keep to
itself notwithstanding the stand that might be taken by it in public --
for reasons of being politically correct.
National security is
rooted in a combination of defence capabilities, a strong security set
up anchored on competent national Intelligence agencies and the total
'national power' attributable to a developed economy providing for a
strong national infrastructure, utilisation of demographic dividend and
free trade agreements with other major countries.
In the sphere of
defence, details of import of military equipment preferably with a
provision for its manufacture in India on suitable terms and conditions,
may become known but the pattern of its deployment will remain a
confidential part of whatever would be made public in the name of
India's national security strategy.
Defence plans are conditioned
by military intelligence, including signal intelligence, that was by its
very nature a secret. The critical national infrastructure is run on
cyber systems which involve creating a robust and confidential cyber
security framework.
Demographic situation is relevant to the
broader issue of national security in the sense that it determines the
potential strength of the country for the future.
Two-third of
India's population is below 35 years and this gives this country a
strategic advantage over China that has an aging population. The NSS may
declare plans of how the country would rally the youth for serving the
cause of national security.
Finally, since economic security would
be strengthened by the success achieved by diplomacy in working out
trade pacts with other friendly and economically strong countries, the
crucial role of diplomatic power in enhancing national security on that
count alone, should find a prominent mention in the NSS.
The macro
aspects of national security are by and large in the public domain and
these all would figure in a declared NSS for giving a suitable message
to the international community about India's political will to safeguard
its national interests and also for instilling confidence among the
people of India that the regime was well attuned to handling any threats
to national security.
Today's national security set up evolved
over a period -- particularly since the 'Kargil war' that had resulted
from Pakistan's attempt to surreptitiously infiltrate army personnel
with Islamic militants on the high mountains of Ladakh and occupy a
couple of peaks in Drass sector in May 1999 -- ought to be defined in
the NSS document.
The functions of national intelligence agencies,
including Intelligence Bureau, Research and Analysis Wing, and National
Technical Research Organisation, can be broadly explained and also the
supporting National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) headed by
National Security Advisor (NSA), presented in some detail.
NSCS
had the responsibility of ensuring that threats to national security
were constantly studied and analysed and the framework of coordinated
responses to deal with them was laid down -- covering the spheres of
military, internal governance and diplomacy.
National security is
an integral concept that mandates an ongoing coordination among the
civilian, technical and military intelligence agencies. While the NSA
plays a crucial role in the formulation of security policy, he is also
the final arbiter on the issues of intelligence coordination.
In
the Indian context, NSA is the member secretary of the NSC which was
placed under the PMO in 2002 and also is the head of the NSCS as already
mentioned. He performs three major strategic functions. In the Nuclear
Command Authority the Prime Minister chairs the Political Council (PC)
for according political sanction while the Executive Council headed by
NSA makes operational assessments that helped the PC in decision making
-- the Strategic Forces Command headed by a Commander-in-Chief would
execute the decisions on the ground.
With the threat to cyber
security gaining significance, India has established a National
Information Board (NIB) which is chaired by the NSA for formulating the
National Cyber Security Policy, ensuring information security and
handling the threat of 'information warfare'.
A Centre for
Development of Advanced Computing has been created and a Cyber Emergency
Response Team (CERT-IN) has also been established. Finally, a
nine-member Defence Planning Committee (DPC) has been constituted under
the chairmanship of the NSA in 2018 with senior representatives from the
Ministry of Defence, External Affairs and Finance as members, to align
strategic objectives, defence requirements and financial allocation.
The
DPC is also responsible for policy and strategy, capability
development, defence diplomacy, defence production and creation of a
manufacturing ecosystem. The institution of NSA is thus the kingpin of
the system that ensures an integral look at national security and a
coordinated response from various wings of the government to the
security scenario existing at any given point of time.
The demand
for declaration of a NSS has been voiced in many circles -- many
freelance strategic analysts have been pressing for it in particular --
but the issue here basically is one of understanding the reality that
there was a difference between publicly announcing the defence and
security infrastructure built up by the country and not letting the
adversaries know what counter-measures India is envisaging to deal with
them.
The spectrum of hostile forces facing the nation itself was
not static and the rise of the era of 'proxy wars' had further added to
the importance of intelligence which was, by definition, information
gathered and kept confidentially.
NSS outlines the country's security objectives and the ways to be adopted to achieve the same.
In
the areas of defence, international relations and counter-intelligence
measures, the country's policies and systemic build up could be made
public and they would become the declared components of NSS at the macro
level in a formal strategy document.
The framework of response to
covert threats to security is on a different footing as it would have
to be kept outside the public domain for the reason that it is based on
intelligence or 'protected information'.
In the sphere of defence,
India finalised its Defence Acquisition Policy (DAP) in 2020 and the
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh went on record to say that the DAP
derived its ethos and spirit from the clarion call of an 'Aatmanirbhar
Bharat' and 'Make in India', and aimed at ensuring that contemporary
technology-based equipment is made available to the services in a
time-bound fashion for modernising our Defence Forces.
It gives
special attention to 'Ease of doing business' to encourage foreign
investors to set up manufacturing entities in the defence industrial
corridors provided by India.
DAP strives for achieving 'Self Reliance' rooted in indigenisation and innovation supported by strategic partnerships.
In
the area of foreign policy India has made it clear that it believed in a
multipolar world order, that it opted for bilateral or multilateral
friendships based on mutual security and economic interests without
prejudice to world peace and that it was willing to assert its voice as a
major power on the issues of war and peace as well as human
development.
As part of measures to safeguard its internal
security, India has fiercely denounced terrorism in all its forms from
all international forums and called for international cooperation to
combat terrorism, drug trade and covert cross border offensives.
It
is a matter of great satisfaction that India has taken an independent
stand on Ukraine-Russia military confrontation and Israel-Hamas conflict
-- the two biggest events affecting the geopolitics of our times -- and
come out on top as far as the handling of international relations was
concerned. All of this defines the National Security Strategy of India
through action rather than words.
(The writer is a former Director of the Intelligence Bureau. Views are personal).