D.C. Pathak | 03 Oct, 2023
The steady rise of India on the global platform expectantly helped by
an extraordinarily successful G20 under India’s Presidency, the
efficacy of India’s strategy of countering the mischief of Sino-Pak axis
against this country and the acknowledgement worldwide of the
credibility of India’s policy of building a deep friendship with the US
without letting this come in the way of India’s strategic bonds with
Russia - particularly in the backdrop of the ‘war in Ukraine’ - have all
created a sense of desperation among those who had been building the
narrative of ‘authoritarianism’, ‘majoritarianism’ and inadequate
‘safety of minorities’ over a long period against the government of
Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Lobbies abroad working in concert
with forces opposed to the Modi regime at home had elevated this
narrative to the level of a political ‘proxy war’ contending that the
Constitution itself was being endangered by the latter.
The
ruling party no doubt had used its majority in Parliament to pass
certain bills of its choice but the very fact that we have a close watch
of the Supreme Court over acts of legislation - as proved by the active
engagement of the apex court in scrutinising Constitutional validity of
some of the decisions of the Modi government - is reason enough to have
faith in Indian democracy’s strong credentials sustained by the
efficacy of electoral strength of the masses here.
It is not
therefore difficult to see that anti-Modi forces and the lobbies hostile
to India have stepped up their activities as the next general election
is drawing close.
Meanwhile, a sudden dip in India-Canada
relations following the extraordinary statement made by Prime Minister
Justin Trudeau in Canadian Parliament on September 18 to the effect that
there were ‘credible allegations’ of involvement of ‘potential agents
of Indian government’ in the killing of Khalistan protagonist - Hardeep
Singh Nijjar leader of Khalistan Commando Force (KCF) - outside the
Gurdwara in Surrey, British Columbia in June, cannot be completely
dis-linked from the reality that an anti-India environ had been created -
particularly in the Western world - by these lobbies.
There are three aspects of Trudeau’s statement - rightly dismissed by India as ‘absurd’ - that have to be taken note of.
One
is the deliberateness with which the Canadian Prime Minister made an
ambiguous-looking charge against the largest democracy in the world that
was run on a proven electoral system, without even giving any
indication of the identity of Nijjar’s killers or throwing some light on
the ‘evidence’ he had against India.
The second is the fact that
India has vigorously pursued with Canada for months before the G20
summit, the matter of inaction against the known ‘terrorists’ who were
instigating violence and secessionist calls against India in the name of
Khalistan, from inside Canada and who were having links with Pak ISI.
And
the last is the unavoidable conclusion - to be drawn from the plea of
‘freedom of speech’ invoked by Trudeau to cover up for a definite
failure on his part to heed the serious complaints made by India - that
the Canadian Prime Minister was unabashedly indulging in ‘vote bank’
politics to face an impending election.
Apart from Nijjar’s
direct role in instigating anti-India violence, the attention of Canada
was drawn also to several other separatist terror groups operating out
of that country whose leaders were wanted for heinous crimes committed
in India. They included World Sikh Organisation (WSO), Khalistan Tiger
Force (KTF), Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) and Babbar Khalsa International
(BKI).
Multiple dossiers were handed over to the Canadian side
but India’s deportation requests were ignored in an expression of brazen
support for these elements.
Canada should also have been taking
note of the gang rivalries among Khalistani elements that resulted in
some targeted killings inside that country.
More important than
what Nijjar did to ‘break’ a friendly democratic state like India, is
the question as to what was Prime Minister Trudeau doing to prevent
Nijjar from committing those acts from Canadian soil.
Expression
of ideological or political dissent is legitimate but a call for
violence to carve a ‘fundamentalist’ state out of the territory of a
democratic country, is totally unacceptable.
Trudeau clearly
underestimated the seriousness of this matter from India’s point of view
and adopted a myopic approach for his personal political interest -
betraying an element of immaturity about handling international
relations.
It is now in the public domain that Prime Minister Modi
sternly conveyed India’s concerns to Trudeau over the unchecked violent
anti-India activities of Khalistanis in Canada, during a ‘pull aside’
interaction - no bilateral meeting was held with the latter - and
therefore the blatantness with which Canadian Prime Minister levelled a
serious but vague allegation against India could be attributed to a
sense of ire he might be carrying on his return from Delhi.
It
would not be wrong also to presume that somewhere Trudeau was influenced
by the anti-India lobbies abroad making a hue and cry over the alleged
suppression of dissent by the Modi regime and was led to believe that
the plea for ‘freedom of speech’ in Canada could be invoked by him to
meet the charge of ‘inaction’ levelled by India against him in the
context of activities of Khalistan protagonists in Canada.
The
lack of response from the Joe Biden administration to the statement
given by Gurpatwant Singh Pannu, a US-based Khalistani leader heading
Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), in the wake of Nijjar’s killing, asking for the
ouster of Hindus from Canada, seems to prove the same point.
The
ascendancy of Indian nationalism must be respected by Western powers so
long as the Indian leadership honoured the principle of ‘one man one
vote’ that laid the substratum of democracy in this country and worked
for ‘development for all’.
Nationalism strengthens a democratic
state against divisive forces and works for the sovereignty and
integrity of India provided there was no injection of religion into
politics and any approach of appeasement or special ‘political’
treatment of any community was avoided.
India has responded to
Trudeau’s statement with indignation, terse reciprocity and
counter-charge of his failure to act on the details furnished to Canada
on Nijjar’s violent anti-India activities.
There is talk in some
diplomatic circles of Canada and the US that Trudeau had shared some
information on Nijjar’s killing prejudicial to India, with the
Intelligence-5 group comprising the US, Canada, the UK, Australia and
New Zealand.
In a neutral-sounding stand, US Secretary of State,
Antony Blinken has advocated that Canada should take the matter to its
logical conclusion and that India should cooperate with the enquiry.
India maintains that Canada had not shared any information with it on Nijjar’s case.
In
all of this what comes out in bold relief is that Canada and its allies
were totally disregardful of the serious national security concerns
voiced by India over the violent activities of Khalistan protagonists
operating from their soil which were designed to damage the sovereignty
of a friendly democracy. This is clearly unacceptable for a rising world
power like India which worked through G20 for the global mission of
making the world secure and prosperous.
The least that the US
could do is to be even-handed in disapproving of Khalistan separatism
while calling for a transparent probe by Canada in Nijjar’s killing.
Geopolitically,
India has stood by the US in leading the democratic world against
dictatorial regimes like China and it would be advisable for American
policymakers to realise the value of bilateral interests - both
security-related and economic - that strategic friendship with India
would serve within Quad and outside.
Pentagon’s traditional
bonhomie with Pak Generals should not lead to the US ignoring the
dangerous game Pakistan was playing in cohort with China to weaken India
by instigating separatism and terrorism in Kashmir and Punjab with the
help of its hired agents outside India and within.
India’s
Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar has done well to caution the Western
powers not to practise any ‘double standards’ towards India on serious
matters of national security.
Attempts to revive Khalistan terror
in India are totally deplorable and call for all steps to handle them
diplomatically, legally and through counter- Intelligence operations on
our own territory.
Intelligence agencies of India have the
tradition of confining themselves to collecting ‘information’ which
would become the basis of ‘action’ by the concerned authorities within
legal parameters including recourse to repatriation or deportation in
suitable cases.
India has drawn lessons from the spell of terror
that Punjab was made to face in the latter Eighties and can clearly see
through the ‘modus operandi’ of its adversaries out to revive the
trouble in this border state.
The violent activities of
Khalistanis abroad with their communal overtones are aimed at injecting
militancy in Punjab and direct attacks on Hindu temples and diplomatic
establishments in Canada, the US, the UK and Australia are meant to sow
the seeds of communal divide in the sensitive state.
A close
vigil in Punjab hopefully would help to nip the trouble in the bud and
prevent any targeted attacks, use of IEDs and further indoctrination for
recruitment of militants.
The Centre has to think of putting
Punjab in the care of a senior civilian of national security background
with knowledge of the history of Khalistan terror in the state and the
ability to educate the state government on how not to let politics come
in the way of security measures and on how to promote and maintain
communal harmony as a bulwark against separatism.
Punjab has the
pride of place in safeguarding national security as well as the economy
and can be kept protected against the activities of a few mischief
makers operating from foreign soil.
What makes things favourable
for India is that today this country represents the sane voice of the
world on matters of both global security and universal economic
advancement.
It is the success of G20 under India’s Presidency
that has given this advantage to India in a definitive way by creating a
consensus against terrorism, narcotics trade and human trafficking and
facilitating an unparalleled global outreach for India.
All
aspects of human existence were touched upon- from vaccination and
protection of developing nations from induced debt traps to climate
change under the call of ‘Vasudhava Kutumbakam’(one earth one family)
and what is even more remarkable, the world was exposed to the
versatility of Indian civilisation, art &craft and scientific
skills.
India did emerge as the undisputed leader of the Global
South not only by bringing in the African Union as the new member of G20
but also by holding an extremely successful South Summit as an integral
part of the G20 agenda.
G20’s success will help to counter
anti-India lobbies as India steps up its campaign against those behind
separatism in Punjab and Kashmir, exposes the doings of the Sino-Pak
axis against India and calls out the elements promoting anti-India
narratives as part of ‘politics by proxy’ against the Modi government.
Pak
ISI is presently focusing on instigating trouble in Punjab because of
the containment of cross-border terrorism in Kashmir in the period
following the abrogation of Art 370 in 2019 - this is a replay of its K2
plan of the past in which it had opened a new front in Kashmir in the
Nineties by raising the war cry of Jehad in replacement of slogans of
Plebiscite and Azadi when terrorism in Punjab was firmly controlled and
defanged.
An integral view of India’s security scenario that put
together geopolitical developments that were already signalling a new
Cold War on the horizon, the efficacy of multilateralism in giving shape
to India’s strategy and the acknowledged rise of India as a global
voice on issues of war and peace, should give our policy-makers the
right and the strength to show India’s detractors their place and
counter their hostile plans against this country.
(The writer is a former Director of the Intelligence Bureau. Views are personal)